A short course in Critical Theory:
1) Any hierarchy represents a power structure
2) All power structures are to be dismantled
3) These power structures may be identified by breaking down the hierarchy to see what drives it. This is deconstruction and it with the assumption that the power structures are “bad” things and must be dealt with.
A short course in Critical Race Theory:
1) White people represent an historic power structure (privilege) over people of color.
2) The power and privilege of white people must be dismantled
A short course in current popular political theory:
1) Any non-democratic system represents a power structure. This includes the Senate, the Supreme Court, and the Electoral College.
2) These institutions must be dismantled for the cause of democracy.
A short course in feminism:
1) Men and the institution of marriage represent power structures that hold women back.
2) The power of men (patriarchy) and the institution of marriage must be weakened or destroyed.
A short course in LGBTQIA2S+
1) The thought of biological sex as more important than preferential sex represents a power structure.
2) This power structure must be dismantled. It might best be accomplished through education and social influence. You can see this in entertainment.
Summary:
1. These movements began with the philosophy of the neo-Marxists of the Frankfurt Group. (Fromm, Habermas, et al) Then their principles were applied to various avenues of life. This might be termed cultural Marxism. The practices and virtues of attacking power structures, assuming that they are always “bad” things, today serves as a theme and subtext of education and entertainment. It is difficult to find a person who doesn’t think that there is something to their arguments.
2. The conservative says that there is an aesthetic hierarchy, that some things are better than, and more important than, other things. (Critical Theory rejects that though, ironically, holding itself above other theories as being somehow better.)
3. Christianity is wholly incompatible with Marxism. It is only partly (the degree varies with the priorities of the person weighing the options) compatible with conservatism. Marxism in its softer forms attempts to syncretize with Christian thought and theology and at worst distorts doctrine and truth about God and the nature of creation. Conservatism is focused on the individual and the economy, which are secondary areas of Christian concern. Conservatism can be a seductive distraction while Marxism is always an affront. The optimism of classic liberalism remains but it is fading as society becomes more and more pessimistic.
4. These systems employ the language of the libertarian, of freeing individuals from harmful systems of power. But as there is no authority vacuum in any stable society the power structure always shifts to agencies of government. Examples: The right to life moved from the individual to the court (Roe/Dow) and the definition of marriage, to the court (Obergfell). For a short time the right to property was taken away and given to government by the courts (Kelo). Education is, de facto, the purview of government rather than family.
Conclusion:
A Christian apologetic must have legs. It must deal with current issues. This one is affecting both the church and society at large. Never let the gospel be set aside of the opportunities of political concerns.